EESC info

The 9th European Migration Forum (EMF), organised by the European Economic and Social Committee (EESC) and the European Commission’s Directorate-General for Migration and Home Affairs, focused on how civil society can play a key role in the forthcoming implementation of the Pact on Migration and Asylum, while highlighting the direct work of civil society organisations on the ground.

The EMF, held in Brussels in late November, shone the spotlight on the Pact on Migration and Asylum, which entered into force in June 2024. Participants explored its forthcoming implementation and how civil society can help support and apply the pact humanely. The event also took a closer look at the new permanent solidarity mechanism, creating closer links between asylum and return procedures, adequate reception conditions and the Action Plan on Integration and Inclusion 2021-2027.

Kicking off the opening session, the outgoing European Commissioner for Home Affairs, Ylva Johansson, said: ‘I am glad that one of my last public duties as Commissioner will be to speak at the European Migration Forum, a vital platform for civil society organisations, EU Member States and policy-makers to address challenges and opportunities related to migration management. Our discussions over the years have always been inspiring. Together, we can build stronger, more resilient communities, upholding our values and ensuring that Europe remains a place of refuge and opportunity.’

The EESC President, Oliver Röpke, thanked Commissioner Johansson for her dedication to reforming EU migration policy. ‘We must ensure that the migration pact is implemented in the most humane and sustainable way possible and the only way we can do this is by listening to civil society organisations on the ground. Although the pact has been adopted, the work is far from over – in fact, one could say the real work starts now,’ he warned.

The EMF was established in 2015 as a platform for dialogue between civil society, institutions and authorities on issues relating to migration and the integration of third-country nationals. It meets once a year to discuss the latest policy developments and to gather and exchange information on how European policies are implemented at regional, local and grass-roots levels.

Each year, the forum focuses on a different theme, which is chosen on the basis of input provided by civil society organisations during consultation processes undertaken in the months leading up to the event. It has so far covered topics such as safe migration routes, migrants’ access to rights and services and to the EU, a more inclusive European labour market for migrants and the role of young people.

The EESC has already adopted key opinions on major themes relating to migration and asylum, including on the setup of the Pact on Migration and Asylum, on asylum and migration regulation, on the Security Union package/Schengen package, and on the Action plan on integration and inclusion 2021-2027. The EESC also set up a permanent group on immigration and integration in 2009, which helps give tangible form to the EESC’s role as a facilitator between civil society and the EU institutions on migration issues, while striving to promote the development of a common European immigration and integration policy. (lm)

Hanna Jarzabek, a Spanish-Polish documentary photographer and nominee for the Investigative Journalism for Europe (IJ4EU) Impact Award 2024, paints a bleak picture of the situation at the Polish-Belarusian border where thousands of refugees are trying to cross the Białowieża Forest nicknamed 'The Jungle'.

By Hanna Jarzabek

Since November 2021, thousands of refugees, primarily from Middle Eastern and African countries, have attempted to cross the Białowieża Forest, the last remaining primeval forest in Europe, situated along the border between Poland and Belarus. The forest, nicknamed 'The Jungle' by some refugees, is a perilous and difficult place to traverse, particularly for those who are unfamiliar with the harsh climate of north-eastern Europe. Many refugees become trapped in the forest for extended periods of time, where they face extreme conditions such as lack of food and water, and a high risk of hypothermia and death during the winter. If caught by Border Guards, these refugees are usually forced to cross back over the border, which involves being left in the woods on the Belarusian side, often at night, without witnesses and with their phones destroyed to prevent communication with the outside world. These forced returns, known as pushbacks, occur even in extreme conditions, with no exceptions made for pregnant women or individuals on the brink of hypothermia, who are still expelled to Belarusian territory. Some of the refugees have claimed to have suffered these push-backs on several occasions, reaching up to 17 times.

The previous Polish government built a border wall topped with concertina wire and reinforced at the base. Like similar barriers elsewhere, it fails to stop people from attempting to enter Europe but instead exposes them to other severe injuries. Border Guards have also installed camera traps in the forest to detect movements of refugees and aid workers. Without refugee camps, refugees hide in the forest to avoid pushbacks to Belarus, and the growing military presence hampers access to humanitarian aid.

Since the beginning, providing humanitarian aid at this border has faced significant challenges. After the far-right government lost power in October 2023, hopes for migration policy change arose, but violence, rejections and limited access to medical care have persisted. Currently, Doctors Without Borders operates with just three part-time staff to offer medical care along the 400-kilometre border. The organisation lacks a permanent base, unlike in other border regions with similar migratory flows. They face difficult conditions, often providing help in the dark and without the proper equipment to make an accurate diagnosis. They adapt their treatment to forest conditions, for example giving intravenous infusions at night or providing urgent medical attention in severe cases such as miscarriage.

After the construction of the wall, in addition to health problems, various types of fractures are now taking place, as people trying to climb over the wall sometimes fall from heights of up to 5 metres. Some of the fractures require complicated operations and months of recovery. In these cases, as well as in cases of hypothermia, the only solution is to call an ambulance, knowing that the person will be arrested and watched by the Border Guards during his hospital stay. After the person is discharged from the hospital, the Border Guards decide, based on their own criteria, whether to send them to a closed centre for foreigners or to an open one. According to what several interviewees told me, there were situations where some refugees, after finishing their stay in the hospital, were transported by the Border Guards back to the forest and pushed back to the Belarusian side, and the story started all over again from the beginning.

In recent months, the number of soldiers stationed at the Polish-Belarusian border has also steadily increased, reflecting escalating tensions in the region. In June 2024, a migrant at the border stabbed a Polish soldier, who later died from his wounds. In response, the new government intensified its anti-migration campaign and introduced a law permitting soldiers to use weapons whenever they deem it necessary, without facing accountability for their actions. This decision raises significant concerns, particularly in light of previous alarming incidents involving the use of force. For example, in October 2023, a Syrian refugee was shot in the back during daylight hours, sustaining severe injuries. Similarly, in November 2023, humanitarian volunteers reported that Border Guards fired in their direction without prior warning while they were attempting to provide aid. The new law not only risks normalising such dangerous practices, but also creates a climate of impunity, further endangering both refugees and those offering humanitarian assistance. By granting unchecked authority to soldiers, this policy undermines basic human rights and could escalate violence in an already volatile border region.

Donald Tusk seeks to project an image of being more open and aware of human rights, yet his government continues to perpetuate the previous administration's narrative of portraying migrants at this border as a threat to Polish society, dehumanising and labelling them as terrorists or criminals. The previous government also tried to classify humanitarian helpers as aiding human trafficking — a crime punishable by up to eight years in prison. It seems this policy will continue under Donald Tusk's government. On 28 January 2025, five humanitarian volunteers who assisted a family from Iraq and an Egyptian individual in 2022, will face trial, risking the same harsh penalty.

Furthermore, little optimism can be drawn from the newly announced migration policy (October 2024). The buffer zone, introduced last July, remains in effect, severely restricting access for humanitarian organisations, including Doctors Without Borders, as well as journalists, thus obstructing the delivery of aid to refugees and the documentation of human rights abuses by Polish authorities.

The most contentious aspect of this policy however, is the plan to suspend the right to asylum at this border — a measure that blatantly contradicts fundamental human rights recognised across Europe. Moreover, this policy will have far-reaching implications for the local population in the border region, yet it has been developed without any prior consultation with them or humanitarian organisations. These organisations, which have been tirelessly working to provide aid, have also amassed critical knowledge about the situation, the needs of refugees attempting to cross and the challenges they face. Ignoring such insights not only undermines humanitarian efforts but also risks exacerbating an already dire situation.

This investigative report has been conducted with the support of a grant from the Investigative Journalism for Europe (IJ4EU) fund.

Hanna Jarzabek is a Spanish-Polish documentary photographer based in Madrid, with a background in Political Science and experience as a political analyst for UN agencies. Her work focuses on themes like discrimination, gender identity, sexual diversity and migratory flows along the EU's eastern borders with a sensitive and respectful approach. Her work has been published in major outlets like El País and Newsweek Japan, exhibited internationally and recognised with numerous awards, including a nomination for the IJ4EU Impact Award 2024 and the Leica Oskar Barnack Award 2023.

Barbara Matejčić, a freelance journalist from Croatia, has had the 'List of Refugee Deaths' - a record of people who tried to reach safety in the EU from 1993 to present day - printed out on her desk for a long time. This 'catalogue of refugee despair and the cruelty of Europe's border regime' has served as a reminder that she needs to do something about it. In 2024, she took part in a major award-winning cross-border journalism project that confirmed over 1 000 unmarked graves of migrants across Europe over the last decade. Her story Unmarked monuments of EU's shame in Croatia and Bosnia chronicles state-linked deaths along the treacherous Balkan route.

By Barbara Matejčić

As I write this, on 13 January, in Zagreb, the odds are high that someone out there on the so-called Balkan route is dying. The temperatures are below freezing; the rivers are icy, swollen, and fast-flowing, and the mountains and forests are covered in snow. People have no other way to reach the European Union and ask for asylum, so they take high-risk routes. And they do not die 'only' because they drowned, fell fatally or froze to death. They also die because the police shoot at the boats in which they cross rivers, as happened to 20-year-old Arat Semiullah from Afghanistan, whose funeral prayer I attended in Bosnia and Herzegovina. They also die because the police refuse to respond to their repeated cries for help, as in the case of three minors from Egypt who froze to death in a Bulgarian forest in late 2024.

The root of my journalistic work on migrant deaths along the Balkan route lies in the 'List of Refugee Deaths’,  compiled by UNITED, a European network of activists and non-governmental organisations. The list documents information from 1993 to the present, about who has died, where, when, how and under what circumstances, while trying to reach Europe or somewhere within Europe. Many of those on the list were refugees fleeing the wars in the former Yugoslav countries. Eleven-year-old Jasminka from Bosnia died in 1994 after her Roma family was set on fire in a refugee centre in Cologne. Lejla Ibrahimović from Bosnia took her own life on 4 December 1994 in Birmingham after the British Interior Ministry refused to grant a visa to her husband Safet. Many people on the list tragically died by suicide.

Many did so after their asylum applications were refused, or before they were due to be deported from the European country they had managed to reach or in protest of the long wait for their asylum requests to be resolved. In the summer of 1995, Todor Bogdanović from Yugoslavia was shot by French police in the mountains near the border with Italy. He was eight years old. Refugees from former Yugoslav countries crossed the borders with documents and received protection in European countries, similar to Ukrainian refugees since the war in Ukraine began. But even then, some could not cross the border legally and tried to reach safety in Western Europe by any means they could, just as non-European refugees have done over the past decade. We don't know about those deaths from the 1990s, just as we don’t know much about the ones happening today.

Twelve years ago, I printed out that list, and it has been sitting on my desk ever since as a reminder that I need to do something about it. For me, no photograph, no text, no documentary about refugees is as heart-wrenching as that bare list of dead people. Those densely written pages are a catalogue of refugee despair and the cruelty of Europe's border regime.

As a reporter, I have covered various aspects of migration, including illegal pushbacks and police violence, particularly by the Croatian police, over the past decade. I started focusing on deaths in 2023. I toured cemeteries with activists in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, sent hundreds of inquiries to state bodies, spoke to the loved ones of the deceased. It is the activists, not the police, that migrants call when their life is in danger. It is the activists who help relatives find those who have disappeared after losing contact with them. It is activists who try to identify the dead, and put up permanent gravestones. This network of compassionate people does the work that should be done by institutions.

The text Unmarked monuments of EU's shame in Croatia and Bosnia is part of what I published, and it was created as part of an international journalistic investigation into migrant deaths at the external borders of the European Union, which I conducted together with colleagues from Greece, Italy, Spain, and Poland. The series titled 1000 Lives, 0 Names: The Border Graves Investigation won the 2024 Special Award European Press Prize and Investigative Journalism for EU Impact Award (IJ4EU). 

Based in Zagreb, Croatia, Barbara Matejčić is an award-wining freelance journalist, non-fiction writer, editor, researcher and audio producer focused on social affairs and human rights in the Balkan region. She has won several awards, including the Investigative Journalism for Europe award (2024) and the European Press Prize (2024). The Croatian Journalists’ Association named her best print journalist in Croatia for her features about post-war societies in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina. She writes for Croatian and international media and produces multimedia projects. She lectures in Journalism Studies at the University of VERN in Zagreb. You can find out more about Barbara's work at barbaramatejcic.com  

UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency, is ready to support Syrians who feel it is safe to return home. But for all others, it advises against forced returns to a country marked by political uncertainty and grappling with one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises, where as much as 90% of the population lives below the poverty line, writes UNHCR’s Jean-Nicolas Beuze

By Jean-Nicolas Beuze

As the political landscape in Syria rapidly evolves following the downfall of President Bashar al-Assad, the debate surrounding the world’s largest refugee population has taken centre stage across Europe.

An increasing number of EU countries are pausing decisions on asylum applications for Syrians, with some announcing initiatives that include chartered flights and financial incentives or ‘return bonuses’ to encourage refugees to go back home. Others are even reportedly planning to deport Syrians currently on their territory, regardless of their asylum status.

For EU states to make informed asylum decisions, they need to assess whether Syria is safe for Syrians currently residing in Europe to return to. Given the rapidly evolving situation on the ground, it is impossible to make definitive judgements about safety at this time. The security landscape in Syria remains uncertain, as the country teeters between the possibility of peace and reconciliation and the risk of further violence.

Millions of Syrian refugees living outside of the country are grappling with what the evolving situation in their homeland means for their own future. They are asking themselves: Will Syria be safe for me? Will my rights be respected? For some, the prospect of returning may seem more feasible, but for others deep concerns remain.

What does the future hold for those belonging to ethnic or religious minorities, holding differing political views or identifying as part of the LGBTQ + community in today’s Syria? The answer is still unclear.

But for those who feel it is safe to return, we must respect their judgement – and potentially support them in returning and reintegrating into their communities of origin. However, for all others, UNHCR advises against forced returns due to the ongoing instability and political uncertainty in the country.

Forced repatriation from the European Union would violate the rights of Syrians as refugees, putting them at risk of serious and irreparable harm upon return.

The ongoing armed violence in various parts of Syria, combined with uncertainty about how the new authorities will address the needs of the population, especially vulnerable groups, makes it premature for many to consider returning. It is important to respect their judgement in this matter. Therefore, the EU Member States, along with countries neighbouring Syria that have generously hosted most Syrian refugees for more than a decade, must continue to uphold their commitment to providing protection for Syrians on their territory.

Of the 1.1 million people internally displaced by the escalation of hostilities at the end of November, approximately 627 000 people remain newly displaced, 75 per cent of whom are women and children.

Premature returns pose significant risks, not least fueling a cycle of displacement – both within Syria and across borders – ultimately deepening the crisis.

Aside from mass displacement, Syria is dealing with one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises. Large portions of Syria’s infrastructure have been destroyed in the conflict, including hospitals, schools and housing. Most refugees have no homes to return to. Many regions are still experiencing shortages of food, clean water and medical care. The lack of basic services, economic opportunities and safety makes it challenging for returnees to rebuild their lives in a sustainable and dignified manner. A striking 90 per cent of the population in Syria lives below the poverty line.

In the past few weeks, the voluntary returns of Syrians from Lebanon, Türkiye and Jordan have noticeably increased, with preliminary estimates showing 125 000 or roughly 7000 per day. While these returns are driven by individual choices, UNHCR is committed to supporting those who decide to return now.

As many Syrians in Europe and neighbouring countries consider whether it is safe to return and question what they will find in terms of basic services and opportunities to rebuild their lives, they deeply long to reunite with loved ones. For this reason, many wish to return home for short visits to assess the situation on the ground. They need to be able to do so without the fear of losing their refugee status in Europe. These ‘go and see’ visits are essential for people to make informed decisions that will lead to better outcomes, including safe and durable returns.

Patience and caution are essential as Syrians await the right conditions for a safe return and successful reintegration into their communities. As many Syrians begin to consider returning home, UNHCR is ready to support them. After years of displacement, this could be a long-awaited opportunity for many to end their refugee journey and embrace a lasting solution by returning to Syria. Just as the European Union and UNHCR have stood by them throughout their exile, we will continue to stand with them as they return and rebuild a new Syria.

Jean-Nicolas Beuze is the UNHCR country representative to the EU, Belgium, Ireland, Luxembourg, The Netherlands and Portugal, having previously served as country representative in Iraq, Yemen and Canada. He has over 27 years of experience working for the UN in the field and at the headquarters in the areas of human rights, peacekeeping and child protection.

Praised as a historic milestone upon its adoption in May 2024, the EU’s new Pact on Migration and Asylum has yet to prove its worth. But the challenges awaiting it in 2025 will not be easy: in an exceptionally uncertain geopolitical environment, the Pact’s inherent complexity and the tight deadline for its implementation will require caution and lots of balancing - an analysis by Camille Le Coz of the Migration Policy Institute Europe (MPI Europe)

By Camille Le Coz 

The start of 2025 brings pressing questions about the future of migration policies in the European Union (EU). The new European Commission has set a clear course with its implementation plan for the new Pact on Migration and Asylum, yet shifting circumstances threaten to divert political focus and resources elsewhere. Germany’s upcoming elections have added a layer of uncertainty, alongside the fallout from the Assad regime’s collapse and the unpredictable trajectory of the war in Ukraine. Discussions around externalisation models continue, but these efforts often run as isolated political manoeuvres rather than as part of a cohesive European strategy. Meanwhile, migration remains weaponised at the Polish border with Belarus, with this instrumentalisation increasingly leading to deviations from EU law. This year will be pivotal in determining whether the European Union can pursue an approach that fosters confidence and delivers much-needed collective action, or whether it will face further fragmentation.

In May 2024, many European policymakers hailed the adoption of the Pact as a historic milestone, after years of arduous negotiations. Just ahead of the European elections, this agreement showed the bloc’s ability to unite and tackle some of its most challenging issues. Central to the Pact’s goals were addressing tensions over responsibility and solidarity, resolving the perception of a perpetual migration crisis, and harmonising discrepancies in asylum procedures across the Member States. While the new framework largely builds on the existing system, it introduces stricter measures, such as systematic screening, enhanced border asylum and return procedures, and exceptions to common rules during a crisis. The Pact also upholds greater Europeanisation, featuring mandatory solidarity, enhanced roles for EU institutions and agencies, and increased European funding and oversight.

This boost in the EU’s credibility when it comes to managing migration as a bloc could, however, be short-lived if Europeans fail to implement the new rules by May 2026. This tight deadline is particularly challenging as the Pact requires the establishment of a complex system, resource mobilisation, and the recruitment and training of staff—especially for those Member States on the front line. While Member States have drafted national action plans, much of this work has been done behind closed doors, with a lack of political messaging. This gap poses an increasing risk, as political steering is crucial for maintaining the fragile equilibrium at the EU level.

Moreover, the implementation of the new system requires the formation of coalitions of stakeholders. National asylum agencies are central to translating complex legislative texts into practical frameworks, with EU agencies—particularly the EU Agency for Asylum—already playing a pivotal role in this process. Equally important is the involvement of non-governmental organisations in order to harness their expertise and ensure access to legal counselling and oversight of the new procedures, among other things. To support these efforts, more collaborative approaches are needed, including regular consultations, robust information-sharing mechanisms, and operational task forces that convene regularly.

Meanwhile, significant attention has turned toward externalisation strategies, with an increasing number of European capitals viewing these as fixes to the EU’s migration challenges. The Italy-Albania deal has sparked numerous debates about its potential to better manage mixed migration, positioning Giorgia Meloni as a leading figure in this area across Europe. However, it has not yet yielded any results, and remains a bilateral agreement, excluding contributions from other European partners. In the meantime, other governments are coming up with other, alternative models, such as return hubs, and ways to integrate them into an EU-wide approach.

Return is precisely set to take centre stage in the political debate in the coming months. Indeed, part of the Pact hinges on improving the speed of returns, especially for individuals undergoing border procedures in frontline states. The Commission and Member States seek to tackle this urgency while leaving space to pilot return hubs, with proposals to review the Return Directive expected in March. Given the short timeline, the risk is that Europeans fail to fully reflect on the lessons learned from the ground, despite the progress made over the past decade in areas such as outreach, counselling, reintegration support, and mutual learning at the EU level. Moreover, Europe needs to be cautious that experimenting with externalisation models does not damage its relationships with countries of origin and weaken its broader standing.

This delicate balancing act is unfolding in an exceptionally uncertain environment, positioning the implementation of the Pact as a test not only for migration management but also for the broader EU project. The situation at the Polish border, in particular, highlights specific challenges in upholding binding rules under the pressure of a hostile neighbour. With regard to Syria and Ukraine, European capitals need to be prepared for unforeseen developments. In the year ahead, it will be crucial to foster strong leadership at the EU level in order to implement new rules and continue exploring innovations that align with and strengthen a joint approach. This involves focusing efforts on building resilient partnerships with priority countries and avoiding the diversion of resources to political tricks.

Camille Le Coz is Associate Director at the Migration Policy Institute Europe, a Brussels-based research institute seeking more effective management of immigration, immigrant integration, and asylum systems as well as successful outcomes for newcomers, families of immigrant background, and receiving communities.

Origin and social background should never be barriers to success, writes Evgi Sadegie, Managing Director of Schotstek, an organisation based in Hamburg and Berlin that promotes equal opportunities and cultural diversity in the professional world. Schotstek's unique scholarship programmes aim to support intelligent, ambitious and motivated young people with migrant backgrounds on their journey to leadership positions in research, business and society. By helping them build strong networks and equipping them with the right skills, Schotstek empowers talented students and young professionals to reach their full potential.

By Evgi Sadegie

Germany is a culturally diverse country, but this is still hardly reflected at all in its economic, scientific, cultural and political leadership. People with a migrant background often face barriers that exacerbate social inequalities, leave innovation potential untapped and undermine social cohesion. Prejudices, unequal educational opportunities and lack of role models and networks hinder the career progression of many talented people.

Schotstek was founded in 2013 by Sigrid Berenberg and friends. Sigrid Berenberg is a lawyer, and for many years has been committed to promoting social justice and diversity. Together with like-minded people, she set up Schotstek, specifically paving the way to leadership positions for smart, ambitious and motivated young people with a migrant background. She has promoted high-performing scholarship holders who will become future movers and shakers and decisionmakers. For many years, Sigrid Berenberg was fully involved in running the programme on an entirely voluntary basis.

Schotstek is a non-profit company supported via donations and joint initiatives with other companies. The programme is strongly supported by a network of partners, advisory bodies and friends – all high-level decisionmakers from a wide range of sectors and cultures. Worth particular mention is that three of the seven partners and the current managing director are themselves alumni of the Schotstek programme. This shows how Schotstek increasingly passes on responsibility to the talents it supports, thus having a lasting impact.

Schotstek offers unique support to students and young professionals through two parallel programmes. Panels admit up to 25 students each year in Hamburg, and up to 20 young professionals in Hamburg and Berlin. Following a two-year compulsory programme, participants remain in the network and can take part in events.

At the heart of Schotstek lies the building of strong networks: many young people with a migrant background do not have access to the professional and social links that are crucial for career opportunities. Schotstek puts them in touch with alumni, advisory bodies and experts from business, science, politics, culture and society. Regular events such as themed evenings and talks with leading figures promote exchanges and broaden their horizons. These links open up career opportunities and create a community that allows for long-term support and mutual success. Alumni now play a key role by sharing their knowledge and networks, and continuously expanding the scope of Schotstek.

Schotstek offers workshops and coaching that specifically prepare participants for leadership positions. Training strengthens key competences such as communication skills, self-confidence and leadership. Participants also receive personal support through mentoring. They are put in touch with experienced professionals and managers who can provide valuable insights into the professional world, support them in planning their careers and help them deal with professional challenges. The mentors act as role models, encouraging participants to pursue professional goals and overcome barriers.

Another specific feature of the Schotstek programme is the promotion of cultural participation. Participants visit museums, theatres, operas, galleries and other cultural institutions. This strengthens cultural education, personal development and identification with their home towns and cities. These experiences broaden the outlook of scholarship holders and foster a sense of belonging.

Schotstek seeks to promote diversity at management level. Origin and social background should no longer be barriers to success. Since it was set up, Schotstek has already supported hundreds of young people, with more than 240 participants and alumni remaining active. Many are involved in the Alumni Advisory Board, are ambassadors, support social media work or share their experiences as buddies or mentors. Anyone who has been a Schotsteker scholarship holder remains a permanent part of the network – a model that allows for lasting success. The expansion of the programme to Berlin in 2023 shows that the Schotstek concept can also be successfully implemented in other cities.

Schotstek is more than a support programme – it is a movement that impressively shows how high-performing diversity can be specifically promoted and made visible. Schotstek opens up and creates opportunities that go beyond individual success and provides an example of how Germany can fully exploit its potential as a country of immigration. By promoting outstanding talent and removing barriers, the programme plays a crucial role in shaping a fairer and future-proof society, something that is essential in a globalised world.

Evgi Sadegie, M.A. Turkish Studies, is the Managing Director of Schotstek gGmbH and herself an alumna of its 2014 cohort. Before her current role, she led the mentorship project ‘Yoldaş’ at the Hamburg Civic Foundation, which supports children from Turkish-speaking socio-economically disadvantaged families. In doing so, she promoted equal opportunities at another important end of the equality spectrum. With her extensive project management experience, particularly in the fields of mentoring and intercultural cooperation, she is actively engaged in promoting diversity and integration in society.

Albanian immigrant to Greece, Almir Hoxhaj, now speaks Greek as well as his mother tongue. After over 30 years in Greece, he feels part of the country, but adapting to Greek society where the word ‘Albanian’ is even used as an insult has not been easy. This is his personal story.

By Almir Hoxhaj

I was born in a small village in the district of Avlonas, where I lived until I was twelve years old. My family moved to Tirana, but in 1997 I made the difficult decision to look for a better future in Greece. It was common at that time, after the borders were opened, for Albanians to seek safety in Greece as, supposedly, the land borders made it easier. I crossed the border on foot eighteen times. I was afraid of the sea. I even remember my final trek of five days to Veroia where, despite the non-stop rain, I was incredibly thirsty. When I finally held a full glass of water in my hand, it wasn’t enough to satisfy me. This is how my life in Greece started. With a full glass of water in my hand.

My first contact with the country took place when I was 15 years old when I crossed the border secretly for the first time with friends. It didn’t even cross our minds that we were doing something illegal. If I could have flown to Greece, I would have. Greece, its language, its mythology, and its history were particularly appealing to me. In the summer I worked hard, trying to support my family. My definitive move to Greece was full of challenges: legal uncertainty, racism and problems integrating. I distinctly remember one incident in the beginning. There illegally, without insurance, I did not know the language – and one of my teeth broke. My only option was to take it out myself, pulling it out in front of a mirror with some pliers I used at work. My mouth was full of blood.

Adapting to Greek society was not easy. As a first-generation migrant, I felt like a foreigner – as if I constantly had blood in my mouth. I was there illegally and I was afraid to go out for a walk or coffee. I experienced racism everywhere, in many forms. A father threatened his small child that he would get the Albanian to eat them if they did not keep quiet. I was refused entry to cafés, clubs, and other places, some of which, when I first went there, even had a sign saying ‘No Albanians’. They called us dirty because we were from a different religion. Relations between Greeks and Albanians are better now, although stereotypes remain. The word ‘Albanian’ in Greece is even used as an insult. There was racism, and there still is, but it is milder now. Times have changed. Nevertheless, racism persists, amplified by financial difficulties and lack of education.

Prejudices and discrimination are deeply rooted and often give rise to extreme political and social patterns which expand and even reach as far as the European Parliament. This is sad! Although the situation has improved, it remains a reality. However, there is hope for the younger generations. Our children will have a better chance of being fully accepted. This is also the case for my 12-year-old daughter.

Today, working as a building contractor, I look back with mixed feelings. The difficulties in adapting and the lack of acceptance I experienced were a daily reality. Nevertheless, through these challenges, I developed a deeper understanding of life and the importance of integration.

Albania remains forever a part of me. I remember clearly the years of the Communist regime. It was a time of paranoia, fear, insecurity and extreme poverty. The fall of the regime brought relief, but also new problems such as unemployment and crime. These experiences shaped me; they taught me to appreciate the stability and freedom I have found in Greece.

Personally, I feel connected to Greece. Even though my heart lies in my village in Albania, my life is here. My Greek is as good as my mother tongue. My experiences, my battles and my achievements make me feel part of this country. I hope that, with time, Greek people will fully accept us, acknowledging our contribution to society.

Migration is a test full of challenges, but also opportunities and, as an Albanian migrant in Greece, there was no way I could avoid it. My story is one full of challenges, adaptation and hope.

In the years to come, I see myself continuing my life in Greece, which is my home, and Albania as an equal member of the European Union. This is now the homeland of all of us.

Almir Hoxhaj is 47 years old. He lives and works in Tripoli, a small town on the Greek Peloponnese peninsula. He has a 12-year-old daughter. His favourite city is Berlin. He speaks and writes Greek fluently and has translated the book ‘The Saga of the Stars of Dawn’ [Το έπος των άστρων της Αυγής] by Albanian author Rudi Erebara into Greek. The book was awarded the European Union Prize for Literature in 2017 and describes the tragedy of the Albanian people in the 20th century. Although the story unfolds in the previous century, the essence of totalitarianism, fascism, and irrationalism unfortunately remains relevant today, in more ‘modern’ forms.